by Deck Deckert
(Swans - March 13, 2006) The war in Iraq is monstrous, immoral, illegal, unconstitutional, and a slaughter of innocents that puts us in the same category as all other invaders in history.
We don't care about that.
The war in Iraq is destroying our civil rights and allowing more and more government intrusions into our private lives.
We don't care about that.
The war is creating more and more people who hate us, and has nearly wiped out decades of goodwill.
We don't care about that.
It is outrageously expensive and threatens to destroy our economy and our way of life.
We care a little about that, though not that much.
All in all, the war has been a disaster, whether we care about it or not.
So naturally President Bush and his neocon puppet masters are thinking about doing it all again -- in Iran.
Right now, of course, the Bush administration is mouthing platitudes about wishing for a diplomatic settlement of the current "crisis," Iran's plans to create a nuclear power program. The U.S. claims to fear that in addition to power plants, Iran will build nuclear bombs and thus be some kind of a threat. Iran says it has no plans to do so.
The U.S. has told Iran that any enrichment of nuclear fuel is unacceptable. This is the same Bush administration that has just agreed to sell India nuclear technology, undermining 35 years of nuclear arms control efforts.
No matter. Iran is different, somehow.
Even if the administration is right that Iran is planning to develop nuclear weapons in addition to nuclear power at some time, it would take years to produce one or two, or perhaps a few. And without an intercontinental missile system, there is no way Iran could attack the U.S., even if it wanted to.
It is madness to think that Iran would even entertain the thought of launching an attack on us. It would be suicide to attack the only superpower, one that has tens of thousands of nuclear weapons, thousands of warplanes, thousands of tanks, and all the other weapons of war. It could be done only by another superpower with equivalent weapons and willing to launch a surprise attack. It was a scenario often invoked during the Cold War. It was unlikely then; it is impossible to conceive now.
It is insane on the surface, which even the dumbest journalist ought to be able to figure out and comment on. It is one of the elephants in the living room -- there are several.
Another elephant is the question: why is the issue of nuclear weapons important? The U.S. has nuclear weapons, the Russians have nuclear weapons, the Brits have nuclear weapons, the French have nuclear weapons, India has nuclear weapons, Pakistan has nuclear weapons, Israel has nuclear weapons...
Ah, yes, of course, Israel. There is one of those elephants in the living room that the Bush administration is intentionally blind to and therefore the mainstream corporate media is also blind to it. It doesn't exist. Forget Israel -- and never, never pay any attention to Israeli nukes behind the curtain. Even though Israel attacked and destroyed Iraq's nuclear power plant 25 years ago and has threatened Iran.
Who knows the full reasons for the actions of the madmen in Washington -- control of oil, control of the world, voices in their heads -- but the state and the fate of Israel is an important factor, however invisible.
The threats go on. Sanctions, of course, are being considered. More dangerously, there have been threats of bombing Iranian nuclear sites by the U.S., Israel, or both. We have sold Israel "bunker-buster" bombs, which could be used to hit Iran's nuclear facilities.
There even have been talks of a limited invasion. The Australian Broadcasting Corporation reports that John Bolton, US ambassador to the United Nations, told some British MPs that the U.S. will use strategic airstrikes or a special forces raid against some Iranian targets if the country doesn't stop its program.
Meanwhile, the corporate media continues as a mouthpiece for the administration, a role it fills so well. There is no examination of those white elephants we've been talking about, no attempts to put events into a historical and political context, not even an examination of the most recent events like Bush's India deal. There is only unquestioning parroting of the administration line. It is a "crisis" because the administration says it is, and the media takes care never to examine any facts or evidence that might possibly lead to any other conclusion.
The propaganda campaign is well underway, with Bush, White House Press Secretary Scott McClellan, Secretary of State Condi Rice, Vice President Dick Cheney, and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, all making threatening noises against Iran. This propaganda campaign, so well-covered by the media with no contrary information allowed, is obviously, and dangerously, similar to the propaganda run-up to the attack on Iraq.
While there are some saner heads working for a peaceful settlement for this "crisis," the Bush administration is plunging ahead toward possible disaster.
How might they accomplish this? The U.S. may make outrageous, unilateral demands that are so extreme that Iran will never agree to them, for example. That way, the administration and media can say that Iran is "defying the international community." In other words, use the same techniques that worked so well in the lead up to the war against Iraq.
Iraq wasn't the only time this technique was used. Clinton and NATO used a variation in 1999 with the notorious Appendix B at which Serbia balked, giving them the excuse to attack and destroy Yugoslavia. Appendix B would have granted NATO immediate and unrestricted access to Serbian territory and complete immunity from any acts committed on such territory. When Serbia refused to sign such an agreement -- what nation would? -- NATO attacked.
It could, of course, be all talk. The disaster in Iraq has nearly wrecked the military, and brought Bush's popularity to an all-time low. Perhaps the neocons would be afraid to do anything with Iran.
But don't bet on it. These are certifiable madmen.
Please help us carry Deck Deckert's voice time and again.